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A Real Kansan's Review of the 2026 State Legislative Session

  • 2 days ago
  • 5 min read


Around 1:00 a.m. on Saturday, April 11, the state legislature concluded its business for the 2026 legislative session. Over the course of the two-day veto session, nearly every single one of the governor’s objections was overridden by the Republican supermajority.


For any political observer with a shred of empathy, it was brutal.


Legislators forced into state statute many of the onerous verification processes and eligibility restrictions for public assistance that were enacted in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Even if Democrats reclaim unified control of Congress and the presidency over the next few years and undo the OBBBA, those provisions will remain in effect in Kansas.


The crusade against low-income Kansans continued when Republicans passed SB 391. The city of Lawrence approved an ordinance three years ago that bars landlords from denying housing to people who use a housing choice voucher to afford rent. Other reasons for turning away a prospective tenant were still allowed under the ordinance, such as having a criminal record, a history of poor tenancy, and a low credit score. This ordinance, the only one of its kind in Kansas, is now unlawful, as are all iterations of it that could have been passed in other cities. Searching for a home is already a difficult task when you live on a tight budget. SB 391 makes it that much harder for low-income families who have endured the troublesome steps of getting a voucher.


Despite Kansas’ overwhelming rejection of the 2022 anti-abortion amendment, Republican lawmakers overcame vetoes to enact two new laws that undermine reproductive rights. HB 2727 intimidates medical professionals by streamlining the process of filing a lawsuit against an abortion provider, and HB 2729 forces doctors to present medically inaccurate information to patients seeking an abortion. It’s no surprise that Republicans haven’t dropped their attacks on women’s healthcare. But undermining the trust between patients and providers is a dangerous new course.


The killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minnesota happened in January, right when the legislative session started. It’s almost certain that Kansas Republicans watched the lethal acts committed by federal agents. Rather than safeguard the right of Kansans to peacefully protest and express dissent, the legislature made it harder to hold federal officers accountable. It is now a crime in Kansas to be within 25 feet of law enforcement during an encounter. The farther away bystanders are from a scene, the less likely they are to capture quality footage and images of wrongdoing by officers.


Another bill, HB 2372, mandates more local cooperation with federal agents, despite the large body of research that shows federal usurpation of local matters sows distrust in local police.


The legislature also removed measures designed to divert young offenders from detention and into community-based rehabilitation programs; expanded the Attorney General’s authority to intervene in local lawsuits; and narrowed the state’s authority to withhold sensitive personal information from federal agencies that may use the data for nefarious purposes.

Much of the second day of the veto session was spent overriding the governor’s rejection of budgetary line-items and provisos. Once again, special education was left underfunded, far below the statutory obligation. Lawmakers from both parties are returning to their districts proud to say that they ‘fully-funded’ education, but let’s be clear about something: The state has not adequately funded special education since 2011–it has only fully funded general education since 2018. Schools are not fully funded until general AND special education are fully funded.


In the face of rising costs, legislators approved a 1.5% across-the-board budget cut for most state agencies, while giving themselves a 4.4% raise. I am personally in favor of raising the salary of state legislators because doing so can make public office more attainable for working-class people. But I am opposed to a wage bump in this case because it is an insult to the public servants of this state who work 12 months of the year, as opposed to the meager 12 weeks that lawmakers did this session.


No substantial property tax relief was passed this year. Enough lawmakers realized that the state has already pulled the limited number of levers at its disposal, and that the main proposals offered this year were futile. Due to recent changes in the state’s income, corporate, and property tax rates, Kansas has been deficit spending for a while, buoyed only by revenue surpluses from several years ago. In 2027, we’ll officially be in the red. Whoever is governor next January will have two choices: Raise taxes to fund the state’s current operations, or drastically cut spending and services.


Roughly 1% of property taxes are collected by the state. If the legislature is serious about achieving significant property tax relief, it must start by raising revenue. That money should then go toward, among other things, fully funding special education. Doing so will give local school districts, which assess over 50% of property taxes, the opportunity to replenish their general education funds and offer property tax relief to their communities. In addition, the state should re-establish the Local Ad Valorem Tax Reduction Fund. From 1937 to 2003, the LAVTRF disbursed sales tax revenue to local governments to offset their costs and encourage property tax cuts.


In the midst of hurriedly drafting a $26.8 billion budget, Republican Senator Michael Murphy snuck in a provision that punishes school districts for failing to obstruct student-led demonstrations during school hours. Schools may face penalties of up to six figures for every day a demonstration continues and for every day participating students go unpunished. The 1969 Tinker v. Des Moines case firmly recognizes the right of students to express themselves on school grounds. Not only does this provision erode the rights of young people, but it also exposes the state to needless lawsuits.


More examples of the Republican legislature’s reckless policymaking are omitted from this article to save us the heartache.


Instead, I want to highlight one Republican legislator in particular: Representative Angel Roeser. Except for the state’s version of the OBBBA, Rep. Roeser voted in favor of every bill and budget item mentioned above. I’m singling her out from the five other Republican representatives that serve Riley County because she distinguishes herself as a ‘moderate.’ Her voting record over the last two years shows otherwise. As much as I’d love to see Democrats sweep all 125 seats in the state house of representatives this year, we all know that’s not possible. But the district Rep. Roeser serves–district 67–is one we can win.


As the election cycle ramps up, Rep. Roeser will try to woo swing voters with her self-proclaimed centrist tendencies. Don’t let her. A legislator’s ideological position is determined by their voting records, not campaign slogans. When forced to choose between her constituents or her party’s radical platform, Rep. Roeser almost always chooses the latter.


Let’s put an end to the cruel lawmaking of the Kansas legislature by defeating Rep. Roeser and breaking the Republican supermajority in the state house of representatives. When the time comes–and it’s arriving soon–join the Riley County Democratic Party’s campaign to victory. Together, we can restore the humanity and leadership that truly reflect our values in the Capitol.

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